Since the
Oil crisis in 1974 the unemployment figures of Germany have risen significantly
after every recession. From 0,6% in 1970 to an all-time high of 11.4 per cent
in 1997, with one remark that this was the time of the reunification of West
and East Germany. The group that’s hit the hardest are the low-skilled worker (LSW). The
unemployment figures of the LWS are much higher than those of the skilled- and
high-skilled workers (SW & HSW). Because of the opening of the global
market there is more supply of LSW’s who are prepared to work for less than
their counterparts in the developed industrial countries, like Germany.
In the
period of 1984 until 1997 the share of German LSW’s has dropped with 1,1% per
year. “The skill biased technical change could at least partially be
responsible for the high rising unemployment rates of the LSW’s” according to
Heitger and Stehn. It could be an explanation but why didn’t the share of LSW’s
decline during the 50’s and 60’s? The technology didn’t halt during this period
so it can’t be the main reason for the decline of LSW jobs in the developed
industrial countries. The German LSW relative wages haven’t reacted in the
years, it remained stagnant. That seems to be a good thing but keep in mind
that the productivity has been rising every year since the 70’s.
Because of the
opening of the global market the demand for German LWS has declined. Because of
the stagnation of LSW wages it also creates a incentive to get better education
because SW and HSW’s don’t get effected as much as the LWS’s. We see that the
wages of de LSW’s stagnate and the reason for that is that the German LSW
labour market is shrinking. These are the central hypotheses which were tested
by Heitger an Stehn.
Theoretical considirations
There are
two hypothesizes to explain why the wages of LWS’s has dropped in the recent
years. The Trade and Technology hypothesis. The trade hypothesis claims that
the opening of global markets has increased the supply of cheap unskilled labor
which now competes with the LSW’s of the developed industrial countries, this
explains the stagnation of wages and the decline of LSW’s in the developed
countries. The other hypothesis claims that not the opening of the global
markets but the skill biased change due to technology is the reason for the
decline of LSW’s in the developed countries.
The authors claim that the
technology hypothesis is on the winning hand due to US data but I beg the
differ. There is a incentive for LSW’s to get better education because the LSW
labour market is shrinking so there is less prospect for a job.
Because if
the technology hypothesis would be true why wasn’t there such a development in
the 50’s and 60’s?
But that doesn’t mean is good or bad. Better education
because of this incentive can be very beneficiary to society so there are two
sides to the medallion. One thing which isn’t included in the data of the
article of Heitger and Stehn is the comparison between productivity of good
producing workers which in most cases is a LSW job. Than we see that since Nixon
broke with the Bretton Woods system the productivity of goods producing workers
has been climbing ever since but in contradiction to the 50’s and 60’s, the
booming years of the US and it’s middleclass, the real wages haven’t rose with
the productivity. The real wages in the US have stagnated for over forty years.
Source:
American Bureau of Labour Statistics
So what
really happened here? The authors are right to say that globalization is not
the reason for the lowering or stagnation of wages. Globalisation can even be a
force for good because it incentivizes people to get a better education. There
are more factors that play a role. The decision of Nixon to break with the
Bretton Woods system is, as we can see an important turning point in the
economic history. Before the 1970’s the Bretton Woods system fixed the exchange
rate. Because the most countries wanted to have control over monetary policy
that meant that capital mobility was restrained, as explained in the impossible
trinity. The power that finance and the capitalholders got
from these
economic policies can explain the positive effects for capitalholders and the
negative effects for the workers. The benefits of the rise in productivity
haven’t been evenly distributed which also explains the great increase in
income inequality in the world since the 1970’s.
Income inequality US
Policy conclusion Authors
According
to Heitger and Stehn, the wage-setting process is influenced by different
factors: The skill biased technical and structural change have contributed to
the decline of relative demand for LSW’s in Germany. Because of their
conclusion that skill biased changes really influence the wage development of
the LSW’s they advise to see an investment in the countries education as an
economic policy. It’s important to educate more skilled and high-skilled
workers because there is little future for the low-skilled worker in the
developed economies. I concur with this policy advise because getting a better
education is a benefit to us all.
The authors
suggest that there is no credit market for the investment in education and that
workers should be able to finance their education with their social security
entitlements. They also conclude that a private mandatory employment insurance
system would be more efficient because it harnesses market forces. What they
are advising is the privatization of unemployment insurance. They base this on
their believe that private entities are always more efficient than state run
bureaucracies. They problem is that a private company can also become a
bureaucracy and the US private healthcare insurance system doesn’t support
their beliefs. US healthcare is the most expensive in the world.
Is this the
efficiency where they spoke about?
They also speak
about decentralized autonomy in collective labour contract negotiations. So
people can deviate from the collective contract if this means that will give
more job security if 2/3 of the employees agrees to deviate from the collective
contract. This could also be used by the employers to threaten to move
production if they don’t accept lower wages or wage stagnation.
They also
suggest to slice the duration of benefits from 32 months to 12 months. So they
advise to reduce the social welfare for those who can work but lack
employability, so leave the social welfare of the sick and old untouched. At
the same time incentives have to be strengthened to accept low wage jobs in
lower segments of the labour market. These conclusions totally embrace the
neoliberal doctrine since the 70’s. The market is always more efficient so many
functions of the state should be privatized. Social security should be cut so
the “competition position” of the country’s economy improves.
So after
stagnating wages the people should also accept the loss of a great part of
their social benefits and accept even lower wages if they can work in a lower
segment of the labour market. The picture that is presented by the authors is
that the workers have too much benefits but they never talked about the
enormous cut the employers and stockholders are taking. The way these authors
easily ignore these facts is worrying and my main critique on this article.
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